Despite its gravity and sensitivity, what is happening in Jordan today —
massive protests and the expulsion of ministers in various
municipalities and the general sense of frustration and popular
discontent with the draft income tax bill — is ironic. Why?
Over the past few years, Jordan was regarded as an exceptional case,
compared with other Arab countries. It passed through the Arab Spring
with minimal political damage, maintaining its stability and security
despite regional upheaval. It was an island of calm in a stormy sea, and
its foreign relations weren’t affected by what was happening around it,
nor did it suffer domestically.
Today, though, seven years after the Arab Spring, Jordan seems to be
facing unprecedented domestic challenges, and is witnessing a rise in
popular action and movement with greater momentum than it saw at the
height of the regional uprisings. In light of the new tax law, citizens
have resumed their demands for the government to tackle corruption and
implement fundamental political reforms.
Those following the discussions in Jordan feel as if the clock has
turned back seven years, and citizens have just remembered what their
demands were at the time. Parliamentary elections, changing the
electoral law, constitutional amendments and the series of official
reforms seem to have evaporated then; observers are now saying, “Welcome
back to square one.”
We have gone back to the debate about what political reform is and what
is required from the development of the electoral law and the
parliamentary government, and the guarantees of doing so. It all seems a
bit déjà vu, but behind the scenes lies the fundamental idea that the
people want real change in managing public affairs. However, we must not
ignore the question about whether or not this shift is dependent on
political decisions, popular political awareness and pressure, or on the
development of the means for social mobilisation and the ability to
protest and thus bring down a government or a law. Or do we need a
political mechanism offering alternative options?
The other irony is that what actually moved the masses is the economic
crisis, and the proposed income tax bill, which seeks to expand the
taxpayers’ base. This is a big leap from a state that grants jobs,
privileges and funds (a rentier state) to one that takes from its
citizens and fails to provide them with the services they need.
However, economic-social protests progress quickly to the political
level. Talk of corruption then begins, along with demands for recovering
embezzled state funds along with political reforms that give the public
real authority, thus creating a true expression of the principle of
balance of power.
Funnily enough, the actual step that the current government, and any
other government, can take to rescue the financial situation in the
country and face up to the danger of debt and deficit is to reach an
agreement with the International Monetary Fund. As such, the economic
solutions are pretty much pre-determined.
This leaves the margin for movement in the political sphere in order to
combat corruption, protect public money and emphasise the citizens’
right to rule and be represented, on the basis of no taxation without
political representation. This is good and needed, but the countries
that have witnessed reforms, either through revolutions, like Tunisia,
or parliamentary governments, like Morocco, have not seen corresponding
improvements in their economic and financial situations. They were
forced to resort to the IMF and are suffering similar crises to
Jordan’s; the only difference is the manner by which they manage the
political equation.
The point is that political reform is necessary today and it is the
lifeline for many countries. By reform, I mean genuine and fundamental
democratic reform, as well as parallel and simultaneous financial,
economic, social and cultural reforms. We also need a new culture based
on the concept of the rule of law, citizenship and wise governance that
relies on a strong system of national accountability.
Economic reform alone is not enough; political reform on its own is also
insufficient. There can be no trade-off between either, as they are
both necessary; as are, indeed, educational, cultural and religious
reforms, perhaps even more so.
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